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Estrategias De Leitura Isabel Sole Pdf Gratis

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The total of papers and posters presented at the HCII conferences was carefully reviewed and selected from submissions. These papers address the latest research and development efforts and highlight the human aspects of design and use of computing systems. The papers accepted for presentation thoroughly cover the entire field of human-computer interaction, addressing major advances in knowledge and effective use of computers in a variety of application areas. The extended abstracts were carefully reviewed and selected for inclusion in this two-volume set. The papers included in this volume are organized in the following topical sections: learning and education; health and medicine; media, art and culture; transport; Web and social media; information search and retrieval; work, collaboration and creativity; text and storytelling; agents, avatars and robots; smart environments; virtual and mixed environments; security and privacy. Keywords e-health e-learning mobile devices recommender systems social networks Editors and affiliations.

In short, NAFTA has neither led to a convergence between American and Mexican workers, nor spread its benefits to the rest of the economy. In fact, given the geographic location of the export-oriented manufactures, these limited gains are highly concentrated in the border-region, and therefore tend to exacerbate regional disparities in Mexico. In effect, states in Southern Mexico have remained isolated from the process of regional economic integration.

First, the recent evolution of the agricultural sector reflects long-term structural transformations in the Mexican economy, as well as political reforms undertaken by successive Mexican governments since the s, designed either to accelerate or respond to these changes.

As mentioned earlier, large-scale farmers in sectors like vegetable, fruit or meats production increased their exports to the United States and Canada. A recent study of the development of agribusiness in the border-region of San Quintin shows that NAFTA not only helped to convert seasonal jobs into more permanent occupations, but also stimulated the local economy, thereby improving access to services like water, sanitary drainage and electricity Coubes, Between and , Mexican agricultural jobs slumped from 8.

The influx of subsidized crops from American agribusiness had devastating effects on agricultural prices in Mexico and directly threatened the revenues of Mexican farmers. Hardly concerned by the scale of this phenomenon, the Mexican government dismantled corn tariffs at a faster pace than required under NAFTA.

The liberalization of corn and other commodities is estimated to have reduced farm income for as many as three million small producers Burstein, op. Given their low education level, campesinos were ill-equipped to transfer to other sectors of the economy. Others were forced to join the ranks of the informal sector, consisting mainly of self-employment and employment in microenterprises.

Yet others opted for migrating to the United States. Throughout the s, the number of Mexican immigrants crossing the US border increased from about , per year before NAFTA to half a million in the early s before declining significantly in the second half of the decade, partly under the effect of the financial crisis Passel, Cohn, ; Zepeda, Wise, Gallagher, op.

But while these programs did provide some support for the rural poor, they also disproportionately favored Mexican agribusiness. If poverty and social inequality have declined in the post-NAFTA era, the positive, albeit marginal effects of trade and investment liberalization on employment and wages in the manufacturing sector have been offset by the significant social dislocation experienced by poor farmers.

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As a result, economic convergence between Mexico and the United States has remained an elusive goal. Making Nafta more development friendly 12 For a discussion, read Isabel Studer, op. Some have argued that NAFTA was only designed to focus on strictly economic issues and should not be instrumentalized to strengthen the political axiom of the regional integration process, let alone to create a North American community.

As mentioned earlier, it has long been clear that cross-border trade has only had marginal spillover effects on aggregate Mexican employment. This largely explains why employment gains under NAFTA before were concentrated in the maquiladoras, and why the limited wage increases in this sector did not spread to the rest of the Mexican workforce. Admittedly, the National Plan for Development Programa Nacional de Desarollo of adopted under the Fox administration did stress the need to increase the value-added of the goods transformed in Mexico, and the necessity of strengthening the linkages between the exporting sector and local industries.

However, as this analysis has shown, this has yet to bring benefits to the rest of the labor market. This program and the more recent creation of the export support initiative IMMEX confirm the importance that Mexican governments continue to give to international trade as a development tool. This is not to say that maquiladoras are an outdated economic model that needs to be abandoned.

Indeed, maquilas have long proved to be both flexible and resilient in the face of external challenges Carillo, op. As developmental specialists have long acknowledged, Mexico must begin by improving its chronically limited fiscal capacity by expanding its tax base.

The administration of Carlos Salinas de Gortari attempted to remedy the deficiencies of the Mexican education system by launching the Educational Modernization Program See e. Schott, op. See footnote 3. The long-term success of the NAFTA model will depend on the ability of its members to learn from their regional experience — or that of other integration models — and adapt the contours of the agreement to the new challenges of the world economy.

This doesn't necessarily mean deepening North American integration.

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By no means exhaustive, this list focuses on four crucial issue areas: investment, agriculture, immigration, resource transfers. Although the protection of international investors is intrinsic to NAFTA, the devastating effects of US-based financial crises on Mexican exports and, to a broader extent, economic growth in Mexico, have demonstrated the deleterious side effects of the current model.

To cope with this problem, the adoption of safeguards allowing a temporary return to stricter capital controls on foreign investment — e. In contradiction with the very principles of free trade, NAFTA fostered competition between small-scale and subsistence farming in Mexico and heavily subsidized American agribusiness companies.

This does not necessarily mean that agricultural quotas should be reintroduced. Given the recent increase in commodity prices, hampering trade flows could hurt more poor people than it would protect. If the idea may seem politically unfeasible, the recent debates on the long-term reduction of the US national debt could provide new opportunities to address this long-lasting issue.

International migration has always been a key factor of international economic convergence, whether it be transatlantic migration at the end of the nineteenth century and its positive effects on European wages, or the economic benefits of labor market integration in the European Union.

In North America, the free movement of workers would be a noble long-term goal, but is in the short run nothing but a chimera. In the meantime, North American governments should seek to optimize the developmental potential of transnational labor flows, first by protecting migrants, and second, by encouraging resource transfers under a new trilateral remittance policy.

This is not only important for the protection of workers in Mexico, as "fair trade" advocates have long advocated, but also applies to the protection of authorized and unauthorized immigrants in the United States, whose low wages can have a depreciating effect on the revenues of low-skilled workers. Lessons on Sh While remittances are no substitute for domestic investment and government assistance to the needy, they are also more politically palatable than foreign aid.

North American states should capitalize on the recent shift of remittances from the informal to the formal sector and undertake collective efforts to secure and reduce the costs of such financial transfers.

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