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Deals and Shenanigans. ON THE ROAD Unlike the exhibition at the Vienna Karlsplatz Museum, which had a section devoted to the Gastarbeiterroute, the classical works on Yugoslav economic migration pay little or no attention to the journey migrants from the home- to the host-country.
Research on the ways in which Yugoslav economic migrants reached their destinations, and espe- cially on the imagery linked to the journey, is still in a very early phase and needs to be further developed. Long-distance passenger trains ran from Yugoslavia to the main desti- nations in Germany, Italy and Sweden. In the period from to there was a daily Direct Orient Express from Paris through Switzerland, Austria, Zagreb and Belgrade59 to the southeast. He therefore had to use a Hungarian bus com- pany to go to Lyon and there change to local transport.
Another source61 recounted that he had no problem getting from Tuzla to Salzburg when in the second half of the s there were many private bus companies linking the major European and Yugoslav towns. Some foreign recruitment abroad organized the transportation of regular employees. One statistical source64 concerning work accidents suggests that there were more ac- cidents on the road between Yugoslavia and the host-country than during leisure time in a host-country or even on the road between the place of work and the place of stay in the host-country.
Even today the bus journey from Belgrade to Paris takes more than 24 hours and in the late s must have been much longer. If a Gastarbajter decided to take his own car on such a long trip, and oten in a rush — either to be back in the family circle in Yugoslavia or to be in time on the place of work — it is easy to imagine the risks.
One of my inform- ants65 remembers that during the days of the beginning of holidays many local drivers decided to stay at home since the main roads around Graz were dangerous because of tired drivers returning southeast to Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey. Another possibility was to ly between Yugoslavia and a host-country. During the s and s Yugoslav Airlines J. Around people spent more than 36 hours in the departures hall of the airport.
He also mentions a telephone call from the airport to the Yugoslav embassy in East Berlin, complaining that the people waiting kept on drinking and eating, singing and causing damage to airport. One can only imagine the hysteria and the despair of people faced with the prospect of spending their Christmas holidays in an airport in a foreign country. Another theme oten mentioned in relation to the journey between a host-country and Yugoslavia was going through customs, with all the associated diiculties.
Import du- ties had to be paid on goods bought abroad when the migrant returned. One inform- ant67 told me that many Gastarbajteri returned from Austria to Yugoslavia with ground cofee which was much cheaper in Austria and so could be sold for considerable proit at home.
A week later she calls him again and asks him to send ten more jackets because in Sarajevo they can be sold for German Marks, as she has done with the irst one. Since they usually could not speak any foreign language and spent most of the time within their communities the migrants were oten perceived by the locals as a homogeneous group.
Nonetheless there were some stereotypes which be- came applied to the various ethnic groups coming from Yugoslavia that suggest certain distinctions could have been made. You are the lazy ones? We are Bosniaks, the stupid ones! In general these stereotypes are much more signiicant for the discourse within Yugoslavia and its diferent ethnic groups in the period up to the break-up of the state.
Most of my research indicates that Italy was oten perceived by Gastarbajteri as less appealing than the richer countries of the northwest Europe. Italy was much more popular among the Roma, Mon- tenegrin, and the maia, as well the people from the Adriatic coast capable of speaking Ital- ian. Fiteen years separate these surveys, and it is also clear that the context of perception has changed markedly ater so long a period when Yugoslavia and its successor states were front-page news.
At the beginning of the movie Before the Rain75 there is a scene in a res- taurant in London with an angry and aggressive Yugoslavian attacking the guests.
Another book76 narrates the story of a Serb working in France who is stigmatized by French society because of his origin. A friend of mine, a Swiss living in Paris and for various reasons hiding his Swiss identity, used to introduce himself during the s as a Czech. It should be repeated that during the earlier period of contact between Yugoslav mi- grants and the indigenous populations of the host countries, it was rare to ind stere- otypes which applied to the diferent ethnic groups which comprised Yugoslavia.
Stereotypes of Yugoslavs were not always positive. During the strikes of May the Yugoslavs let France en masse for holidays in their home-country. Another example of stereotypes relating to Yugoslav migrants can be found in a sociological article on the theme of the education of migrant children One might ask, however, whether most teachers all over the world do not have the similar view of their charges, regardless of whether or not their parents are migrants Since they came just to earn money their working days were exhausting nearly half working Rethinking Yugoslav Economic Migrations more than 42 hours a week85 , but what were their activities during their leisure time?
How did Gastarbajteri most of whom did not speak the language of the host-country relax ater work? Statistical sources may be a part of the answer: The most important leisure-time activities of Yugoslav workers abroad are: reading, watching TV and listening to the radio.
Eric Gordy described the phenomenon in the following terms: Neofolk music achieved huge popularity among Yugoslav workers in other countries, who brought a taste for the music back to the provincial towns from which they came.
Not all workers abroad went to Germany, of course. Another source of this is domestic folk music, which especially in Serbia and Macedonia, had for a long time been enriched by elements of Turkish music Neofolk music was an important mark of identity for many Gastarbajteri. Diesel clothing and Volkswagen Golf cars were obvious fashion complements. Community radio sta- tions that difused music among the migrants97 were a big boost for neofolk.
It must be noted that not all Yugoslav migrants were fans of neofolk music. Yet it still remains the stereotypical music form of Gastarbajteri, its lyrics oten relecting some of their oten faraway dreams fast cars, nice girls, luxury fash- ion. Since the period directly ater World War II there were many exiles who were hostile to the communist settlement in Yugoslavia.
Mostly they were former supporters of the puppet regimes of the war Croatian and Bosnian ustasha, Albanian ballists, Slovenian and Serbian pro-German forces but they also included representatives of the non-communist mainly monar- chist anti-German resistance primarily Serbian chetniks Another wave of political migration came ater and crushing of the maspok movement in Croatia. From the irst years ater World War II these groups had been organizing themselves in West- ern Europe, in the Americas and Australia, and with the arrival of Gastarbajteri they developed several tactics for inluencing the newcomers.
On the other hand, the eco- nomic migrants had oten to prove their pro-Yugoslav orientation before even leaving the country.
From the regime tried to monitor the leisure time of migrants by organising clubs, libraries and mediatheques. One of these pamphlets was supposed to convince migrants not to save their money in Belgrade banks because of immanent break-up of Yugoslavia.
Pressure was sometimes put on migrants to become involved in anti-government agita- tion in Yugoslavia. One of the best known — Operation Feniks in July — was sup- posed to restore Croatian independence in Bugojno.
During the s when Croatian exile organizations increased their activities, there were also examples of deliberate isola- tion of pro-Yugoslav workers and disinformation campaigns On 15 September at 3 A.
Some political exiles inanced their activities by threats and racketeering involving their migrant compatriots. A joke illustrates the racketeering phenomenon: hun- gry Mujo and Haso come to Munich, do not speak any German and have no money. Mujo looks at Haso and they decide to do the same.
Since they produced so little in the way of texts and recorded political opinions, it is not easy discover much about the political activities of Gastarbajteri. Information in sources of pro-Yugoslav provenance is to be regarded with caution, since most of these works are of the agit-prop variety and may say more about the system than about the migrants.
On the other hand, once present in the discourse they do not difer structur- ally from other sources of information scientiic data, oral tradition, popular culture narrative etc. We can provisionally sum up by stating that the diferent waves of Yu- goslav migration inluenced each other, but more research needs to be done to identify the nature and extent of the exchange.
Changes at home in their absence could make the return painful. To impress his former girl- friend and win back her heart he spends a great deal of money arranging a romantic evening with a philharmonic orchestra playing music for her on a river boat.
As we have seen above, the loss of family might be considered as a personal tragedy, but it was also handled with humour. Haso, who has stayed in Bosnia, writes to Mujo, who is working in Germany. He enjoys his irst night with Fata and ater she goes of for a shower he looks under bed and inds a dozen green peas. Many Gastarbajteri returned to Yugoslavia when they had inally managed to save enough money.
During my last visit to Serbia in April I visited the Negotin region in the eastern part of the country, an area well known as one of the cradles of economic migration.
An evident supplement to the nouveau riche architecture is a Western car, oten, even, with foreign number plates. Consumer-based values are most visible among the Gastarbajter youth One has been to surround their ofspring with material wealth. He goes to the police-sta- tion and says he wants to download a policeman. In addition to statistical and other academic sources I have used sources from pop-culture that help to decode meanings sometimes overlooked by scholars.
Another problem arises in any attempt to write the contemporary history of ordinary people. As historians we are oten constrained by traditional narratives of chronology and causality.
Can we properly use the approaches of the other social sciences, or should we continue using a mainly diachronic model? In terms of causality, how can we defend our methodology as the only valid one? Ultimately, is it not best to employ both, the diachronic and the synchronic model, in order to better represent the changing and eclectic quality of the contemporary world?
Concerning the motivation behind migration, I found several common economic forc- es, such as the wave of unemployment and poverty in the s Yugoslavia. Most of them were employed in manual jobs mainly in heavy industry and sometimes in services.
My research into the mental mapping of the voyage vectors needs to be developed further, and here I have just sketched some of the transport channels bus, train, car and plane. Migrants were varied in their political activ- ity. Political exiles already settled in Western Europe tried to inluence Gastarbajteri, as did the Yugoslav regime, but studies of the direct impact of the Gastarbajteri on anti- and pro-Yugoslav politics abroad remain to be done.
Gastarbajteri seem in general to have been politically passive and less nationalist in sentiment than previously sup- posed. My original ethno-centrist hypothesis of separation on the basis of primordial bonds has not proved correct. Even iteen years ater the break-up of Yugoslav federa- tion some former migrants still claim the latter as their country New questions have to be posed in the light of qualitative research on the hybridization of identities in the transnational social landscape, particularly on the marginalizing mechanisms of the host society and the hybrid nature of migrant culture.
Many works have been also devoted to the position of migrant in the context of late capitalism and its logic of consumption. Using the latest technological media migrants seem to culti- vate transnational cultural forms that are linked to more than one national state Can these statements be applied equally to the cultural experiences of migrants from Balkans, especially from the former Yugoslavia that is oten decribed as a nest of ethnic hatred and primordial tribalism?
From the point of view of classic contemporary history the Gastarbajteri seem to be invisible. Writing about the text and language matters — there is a joke about Mujo coming to Germany without speaking German. He calls a waitress and draws a steak on the paper. She brings him a steak. She brings him a bottle. Finally when Mujo is paying the waitress draws a bed.
Gastarbajteri arose irst in the discourse of political economy in Federal Republic of Germany during the s and later it entered other disciplines of social sciences and popular culture.
It refers to temporary work migrants coming to West Germany F. Marx supposed to return in the home country ater accomplishing their purpose.
Since the beginning of the s they were joined by workers from Turkey and Yugoslavia. I distinguish between speaking of neutral Gastarbeiters, and Gastarbajteri from the former Yugoslavia. For labour migration from Yugoslavia see, for example, E. Colera ed. Later a new institute was founded — Institut za migracije i nacijonalnosti [I.
Doder, Jugoslavenska neprijatelska emi- gracija, Zagreb ; F.
Bade ed. Lepoutre, I. Mezzandra ed. Vetrovec, R. Cohen eds , Migration, Diaspora and Transnationalism, Aldershot Bhabha, he Location of Culture, London Berger, T.
Pour une anthropologie des mondes contemporains, Paris Benjamin, Illuminations, London Sokoll ed. Serbia without the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina. For economic migration from Herzegovina, see also S. Koler, Migration cit. For further basic reading on concept of transnationalism see E.
Guarnizo, M. Smith eds , Transnationalism rom Below, New Brunswick During the Bosnian War one character is accused by his military command- er of having learned German by robbing German women-pensioners.
In another scene we see the character coming from Germany with a lot of presents for his family — a typical Gasterbajter comeback to be analysed later in this chapter. He was imprisoned in Belgium in , escaped in , rearrested in the Netherlands in but escaped again in At one point, he was wounded in a clash with police. He led from dozens of European prisons, including the compound which today is a high security prison for war criminals in the Scheveningen suburb of the Hague.
It refers to black or grey busi- ness activities related mainly to downloading and selling goods. According to relevant sources the movie was shot in Skopje. Bosetti, Integrati, assimilati, gastarbeiter o solo cittadini? Unfortunately I did not manage to get all the information I wanted in this area from my ield research.
It may be that my in- formants did not want to present their stereotypes of Germans, Austrians, Italians or French to a Czech scholar. Most of the academic works that deal with the Gastarbajter phenomenon do not mention these borders at all and since the migrant populations rarely produce any type of text that can be quoted, the stereotypes of locals is a topic to be further studied.
If the weather is nice on Sunday a German wife makes potato salad and some sandwiches, she puts them into a knapsack and they go by bike or by bus some twenty or thirty kilometres to have a picnic German women are therefore seen as much more emancipated than their Yugoslav counterparts, who are seen through the lens of generalization as part of a much more traditional and patriarchal cultural ield.
At the time, the term was nothing more than a humorous soundbite thought up by a clever musi- cian with a knack for comedy. All in all, it was good for a chuckle or two and that was about it.